In the late 1970s, not long after the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) was over, China reestablished ties with the West and adopted its Open Door policy. China also began to move from a centrally planned economy to a market-oriented economy. Government-owned enterprises crumbled quickly in the face of the rising private ventures. Foreign investors were lured to China to open up factories in the many newly established special economic zones in the coastal areas.
Chinese leaders, especially the then paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, encouraged Chinese people to work hard and get rich with slogans such as "Let Some People Get Rich First" and "To Get Rich Is Glorious." Deng also came up with his famous motto of "whether a cat is black or white makes no difference—as long as it catches mice, it is a good cat!" In other words, he was urging the Chinese people to brush aside ideology and focus on practicality. All of a sudden, China began to embark on a reform movement that helped usher it into the new millennium with impressive economic achievements.
As China began to open up and its people began to improve their living conditions, there were also a large number of Chinese citizens longing to go overseas. Such persons who actually live and work abroad and then return to China are known as "overseas Chinese" in Kuala Lumpur. People living in the two provinces with the largest numbers of overseas Chinese—Guangdong and Fujian—were especially eager to go abroad because they were impressed by the wealth of overseas Chinese who returned to China for the first time after having been away for many decades. As a result, in the early 1980s many people from Guangdong looked to be smuggled into Hong Kong, and people from Fujian, into Taiwan.
After the Chinese authoritiesв’ violent crackdown on the student democracy movement in Tiananmen Square in June 1989, the U.S. government responded by allowing many Chinese citizens in the United States to become permanent residents by granting them political asylum, regardless of whether they were students, visitors, or illegal immigrants.
Of the 149 Chinese women interviewed outside China, 106 or 71 percent, said they knew they were going overseas to engage in the sex business even before they left China. Four subjects (or 3%) said they realized they would work as prostitutes right after they arrived in the destination country, twenty-two not long after they had arrived, and seventeen long after they had settled down abroad.
The last two categories of subjects—those who entered the sex sector either not long after or long after they had gone abroad—were predominantly women we interviewed in Los Angeles and New York. These women in the United States were quite different from the other women in Asia in terms of age (older), marital status (more likely to be married or divorced), education (better educated), region of origin (came from the northeast rather than from the south), and commercial sex experience (most were not prostitutes in China).
Even though these women said they did not go to America with a plan to sell sex, we do not know how many of them knew back in China that, if they struggled in the United States, there was always a chance for them to enter prostitution as a last resort. If we exclude women in Los Angeles and New York from the calculation, then 105 out of the remaining 117 (90%) said they went overseas with the knowledge that they would be engaging in providing sexual services.
This same point has been made by Johan Lindquist (a professor at Stockholm University) and Nicola Piper (a professor at the University of Wales) in their review of the research on prostitution in Southeast Asia: "What has become clear in existing studies in Asia and elsewhere is that migrant women rarely fit the ideal-type image of the victim of trafficking. Many migrants understand prior to migration what their working destination consists of, and even if their choice is constrained by economic and social circumstances, they cannot be understood as innocent victims on a general level." The same is true with Thai women working in the sex business in Germany, as observed by social worker Prapairat Ratanaloan Mix, who said that "more than 80 percent of these women were sex workers in Thailand before going to Germany. Many of them were aware of what was waiting for them in Germany."
For our subjects, the reasons for engaging in prostitution overseas include two main ones: making money for oneself (54%) and making money to help their families (31%). As will be discussed in chapter 3, these two factors were also often cited by our subjects when asked why they got into prostitution in China. The other 15 percent offered a variety of other reasons for becoming involved in commercial sex overseas, including (1) it was not so easy to make money as prostitutes in China anymore, especially given the frequent crackdowns by the authorities; (2) they had run into a chickenhead who urged them to go overseas; and/or (3) to get away from certain people, mainly husbands or boyfriends.
Some subjects we interviewed went overseas and became prostitutes because they were unhappy with their fathers’ lack of support for their families, and thought that they, as daughters, should sacrifice themselves to help their mothers and siblings. Wang Min, a 24-year-old single woman from Nanning (Guangxi), who was working for an escort agency in Kuala Lumpur, explained why she became a xiaojie in Malaysia. My father was originally a farmer, and he became a car driver later. He is a womanizer and he also loves gambling. I have an elder sister and a younger brother and we all feel sorry for our mother. The main reason that I am in this line of work is that my father does not take care of us. He spends a lot of money. I have to shoulder the burden of this family. I do not care for myself. I used to have three jobs because my family needed money. I have a friend who is a xiaojie in Malaysia. Learning that I was doing three jobs, she urged me to work as a prostitute in Malaysia. I thought about it for two months and decided to come.
Our subjects were more likely to blame their fathers than their mothers for their predicaments. Some subjects repeatedly made fun of how their fathers call them only when they want money.
Some married women who think their husbands are not making enough, or are indulging in drinking, gambling, or paid sex, consider prostitution in a foreign country as an option to both improve their families’ financial situations and to be away from their husbands. This is especially so if they also happen to know someone who can help them go overseas. Xiao Wei, a 43-year-old married woman from Zhoushan (Zhejiang Province) with an 18-year-old son, explained how she ended up being a xiaojie in Bangkok. I knew a fellow villager who worked as a xiaojie in Bangkok. She told me that men in Thailand are very nice. If you eat and chat with them, they will give you tips. At that point I was in a dire financial situation because my husband was earning only $40 a month as a fisherman. Worse, he likes gambling and he often lost all his earnings. What can I do in China? There is no job opportunity for me in Zhoushan. My husband never took money home, he is a gambler, and our relationship is bad. So I came here.
Indon Escort is an outcall escort agency in Kuala Lumpur specializing in Russian escorts. We have the greatest selection as well as the most beautiful Russian girls in the market.
Our girls are open-minded and beautiful while most of them are part-time freelancers. They provide companionship at the friendliest and most intimate levels so if you are looking for escort service in Kuala Lumpur Russian Escort is the ultimate choice. We are the specialist for Russian escorts in Kuala Lumpur and everybody knows that.
Russian Escorts are one of the most popular escorts in Kuala Lumpur because most of them can speak Bahasa Malaysia while they are very accommodating. If you want to drink they will drink with you.
If you want to party they’ll party with you. If you get horny they will relieve you. If you want to enjoy a threesome or 3P experience they are more than willing to bring their girlfriend to join in.
They rarely reject customers and willing to spend time with clients of all nationalities.
Wen Wen was already making about $8,750 a month (excluding tips and gifts) in Taipei, and it was our impression that she was referring other women to her agent more as a favor and not because of the referral fee.
Second, by bringing someone along on their next overseas trip, returned xiaojies can establish a small and close network among the group so that they can look after one another in the destination country. For many Chinese women working in overseas commercial sex, having someone they can trust, rely on, or at the very least talk to after work, is as important as making a commission.
Third, for many women in Thailand, bringing a younger and prettier friend, relative, or neighbor with them on their next trip to Thailand is also a way for them to maintain a niche in the sex market. Ah Chan, a 38-year-old divorced woman, with a 19-year-old son who was attending college in Wuhan, explained why Chinese women in Bangkok were bringing other women to Thailand:
When you hear an older woman here saying this or that younger woman is her cousin or niece, she is lying. This is one way for the older woman to get some money from a man who is interested in the younger woman. It’s like, well, if you like my younger cousin, you’ve got to do something to please the elder cousin (me) who brought her here, right? Besides, many women here are willing to go home and bring other women here because they can make some haochufei (benefit fee), which is about $250.
The common belief is that the women involved have been tricked, forced, or otherwise coerced into commercial sex after having been trafficked to some other country. We are sure that this occurs—in fact we know it does—but is it the whole story?
Rarely, if at all, is the possibility entertained that some of these women may have been engaged in prostitution before they went overseas. Likewise, not much consideration has been given to the possibility that some women may actually elect to travel abroad to become involved in commercial sex as the best option that appears to be available to them. Or, that once having gone overseas, whatever their original motivations, commercial sex comes to be seen by some to be their most viable option. Are there, in other words, lumped in with the population defined as sex trafficking victims, distinct subgroups?
Of course, our study pertains only to Chinese women working in commercial sex outside China, and whatever our findings about these Chinese women, they may not apply them to other ethnic groups such as the Nepalese, the Thais, the Nigerians, or the Ukrainians who are likewise engaged in commercial sex abroad.
Actually, we are not even claiming that our findings are absolutely applicable to the larger population of Chinese women engaging in commercial sex outside China, because as already described, ours is not a random sample. Irrespective of these limitations, we firmly believe that what we have learned about the characteristics and experiences of our particular subjects tells us a lot about the women who are engaged in transnational commercial sex.
Half of our subjects were either married (24%) or divorced (26%), and 40 percent of them had at least one child. All the married or divorced women became prostitutes only after their marriages. There is a possibility that a very small number of subjects might have deceived us about their marital status, telling us they were divorced when in fact their marriages were intact, or saying they were single when they were actually married. Juan Juan, a 42-year-old married woman from Yingkou (Liaoning Province) who was working as a hostess in Bangkok, explained why they might do this: "I am married and I have a good relationship with my husband, but I tell my customers here that I am divorced. Otherwise, why would they give me money? If I say I am married, they will think that I will give all the money they give me to my husband".
Given their typical circumstances, it is not difficult to imagine that these women did not have especially good, high paying jobs in China. But that does not mean they were necessarily only ordinary workers or unemployed. Instead nearly a third of them reported doing what is considered professional work, or they worked for the government or in a private business, or were involved in the entertainment business. The latter is of particular interest because the entertainment sector has been considered a target for the recruitment of young women with aspirations for glamorous jobs as dancers, singers, actresses, and so on.
As previously indicated, the largest portion (41 percent) told us they were already engaged in prostitution before they went abroad. We want to stress that this does not preclude the possibility that they may have been victimized earlier. Likewise, it also does not mean that these subjects could not have been subsequently victimized through physical abuse or various forms of deception or coercion when they went overseas.
Through other intermediaries such as taxi drivers and parking valets, China managed to interview 39 migrant women, upon which this research was based.
The book is composed of five chapters. The introduction encapsulates the framework of city, creativity, and cosmopolitanism that China uses to analyze nontrafficked women who participate in transnational migration for sex work. By city, she refers to global city networks. Creativity means the agency of migrant women, host states, and facilitators who maneuver through structural constraints produced by neoliberal economies. Cosmopolitanism refers to migrant womenв’s attitudes, worldviews, and practices sparked through their encounters with myriad global cities.
In chapter two, China focuses on the global city of Kuala Lumpur from its function as a trading settlement during the nineteenth-century colonial era to its ascendance to a global city in the twentieth century. The city has transformed from the previous colonial state policies that cemented the relationships between Malay and Chinese and Indian migrant workers to the current neoliberal policies that depend on migrant labor from around the world.
Chapter three explores the ways in which the state of Malaysia tightens border control against migrant workers. More specifically, the state employs privatization and diversification to achieve its goal. Diversification precludes domination of any ethnic migrant workers from any particular nationalities, and privatization enables the monopoly of security control in the hands of volunteer corps.
Indiaв’s largest city, Mumbai, with a population of about 20 million, has adopted a regional plan to control urban sprawl. As early as the 1960s, Mumbaiв’s planners had proposed a new settlement across the harbour called New Mumbai. Focused on the development of the port in Nava Sheva, the plan was designed to concentrate industrial and manufacturing activities so as to form a "counter magnet" to the old city (Jain, 1996). New Mumbai was established in 1972 as the largest new planned city in the world with a total land area of 344 sq km. Two bridges were built to connect New Mumbai with the old city and railway links were established with other urban nodes. In 2001, the new city had a population of 1.5 million, according to the 2001 census.
An ambitious scheme to control urban sprawl in Malaysia involves the creation of two "intelligent cities" linked to Kuala Lumpur by massive infrastructure facilities–Putrajaya and Cyberjaya. Putrajaya is being built on a green field site about 25 km from Kuala Lumpur, where some 500,000 people are expected to be residing by 2010. Some 53 per cent of the buildings will be for government activities, 29 per cent for commercial use and the rest for private residences and services. About 38 per cent of the cityв’s land area will be devoted to green spaces and wetlands.
Cyberjaya, Malaysiaв’s centre for high-technology is 5 km from Putrajaya. It covers an area of 2,894 ha and its development is estimated to cost $5.3 billion. It is linked to Kuala Lumpur by the Shah Alam Expressway. As a settlement fully devoted to hi-tech development, Cyberjaya has a national fibre-optic backbone, broadband connectivity to all buildings, wireless hi-fi spot services in all public areas, local online electronic commerce portals and "smart" homes and schools.
The population figures for the mega-cities mentioned above are based on official country definitions confined to formal political boundaries. However, it is now increasingly recognised by researchers and government authorities that the actual "urban field" of economic, social and technological influences of mega-cities extends way beyond their formal boundaries.
Malaysia, and in particular its capital Kuala Lumpur - it is a good place for escort work. Many agencies in this country attracted by the opportunity to do good magazine pictures as well as a cover in English, which can then be spread throughout the world. Malaysia is also popular among beginner’s models that get a trip to Kuala Lumpur a lot of fun and quite a decent portfolio.
It is not necessary to consider the work model in Malaysia as a major replenishment. It is unlikely that you will be waiting with open arms here. Dozens of castings and daily shootings will not be here. Kuala Lumpur is a commercial market. But the result of the work in a given country can be improved beech and as a consequence - a significant leap in the way of promoting a career in the modeling industry.
It's no secret that many of the models begin their career working in the escort. Escort services also provide modeling agencies. They give the girls to accompany rich gentlemen. In Malaysia, these services are quite in demand, and if there is demand, there is supply. Some modeling agencies are the cover, but in fact they specialize solely on the escort. So the girl is going to go to work in Malaysia, should bear this in mind.
At the same time get the girl with the typical European appearance is much more complex than a local model of the Asian type. Very popular in Malaysia are women with a dark skin color and dark eyes. But for blondes is work, taking into account the fact that customers prefer to model the growth of 176 cm, and the Asians such parameters do not differ.
Christine Chin shows that as neoliberal economic restructuring processes create pathways connecting major cities throughout the world, competition and collaboration between cities creates new avenues for the movement of people, services and goods. Loosely organized networks of migrant labor grow in tandem with professional-managerial classes, and sex workers migrate to different parts of cities, depending on the location of the clientele to which they cater.
But while global cities create economic opportunities for migrants (and depend on the labor they provide), states react with new forms of securitization and surveillance. As a result, migrants must negotiate between appropriating and subverting the ideas that inform global economic restructuring.
Chin argues that migration allows women to develop intercultural skills that help them to make these negotiations. Cosmopolitan Sex Workers is innovative not only in its focus on non-trafficked women, but in its analysis of the complex relationship between global economic processes and migration for sex work.
Through fascinating interviews with sex workers in Kuala Lumpur, Chin shows that sex work can provide women with the means of earning income for families, for education, and even for their own businesses. It also allows women the means to travel the world - a form of cosmopolitanism from below.
Cosmopolitan Sex Workers examines the phenomenon of non-trafficked women who migrate from one global city to another to perform paid sexual labour in Southeast Asia. Overall, this is a fascinating and extremely unusual book, writes Charlotte Goodburn, which brings together macro and micro perspectives to present a rich and nuanced picture of transnational sex work, based on extensive fieldwork in hard-to-access communities. Christine Chin‘s work should be of interest to all those studying international migration, the sex trade, and gender and globalisation.
Human Rights Watch found that working arrangements for most of the women from Thailand in Malaysian snack bars constituted debt bondage or forced labor, practices prohibited under international law. During their recruitment, women were regularly deceived regarding the amount of debt they would incur, the amount of time it would take to repay this debt, the type of work they would have to perform while in debt, and/or the conditions under which they would be compelled to work.
This deception was compounded by the wide discretion employers exercised over debt repayment calculations. Employers used arbitrary and non-transparent methods of account-keeping and routinely increased women's debts with a variety of fines and other expenses. Employers also reserved the power to "resell" indebted women into renewed levels of debt, and the threat of "resale" was often used to exact compliance.
While in "debt" women trafficked from Thailand worked under highly abusive labor conditions. They did not receive any compensation for their labor and had to accept all customers and all customers' requests. They also faced significant risks to their health with only limited access to health care. Severe punishments for refusing or failing to fully satisfy customers meant that women who were in debt had no power to enforce condom use, heightening their risk of exposure to HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases.
Women were often compelled to submit to even physically abusive clients, and some were subjected to violence by their employers for alleged infringements or acts of disobedience. Women were also forced to work excessively long hours, in some cases even when ill, and their access to medical care was controlled by their boss or manager.
Over the last several years, the Thai government has made eradication of the sexual exploitation of women and children a national priority, adopting a variety of measures aimed at preventing and suppressing the trafficking of women into and out of Thailand for sexual purposes. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare offers vocational training programs designed specifically for women and girls to expand their educational and employment opportunities in Thailand.
Government officials have launched awareness-raising campaigns that warn women of the dangers of sex work and of migration. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs screens the passport applications of girls and women ages fourteen to thirty-six, rejecting the applications of women suspected of being procured into the sex industry. And the National Assembly enacted legislation designed to facilitate the investigation and prosecution of trafficking agents, including the revised Measures in Prevention and Suppression of Trafficking in Women and Children Act, adopted in 1997.
In addition to these efforts, the Thai government provides services to women victims of trafficking. In Malaysia, Thai Embassy officials assist women in obtaining the necessary documentation and funding to return to Thailand, and victims of trafficking are also eligible for rehabilitative services, such as vocational training and shelter care, after they are repatriated.
These government efforts have helped to raise awareness of the abuses migrant women commonly face in Malaysia and elsewhere, but their effectiveness in reducing women's vulnerability to such abuses has been limited.
Working in escort agency in Kuala Lumpur - is not "free money" for night of fun and debauchery. In this dangerous and unpredictable business, not a place hypochondriac and naive girls who dream to find a rich "daddy" and to marry him to me: so you can break down in a matter of weeks.
You must not only be beautiful and perfect to make good money. To be able to support intelligent conversation among client peers during corporate party. To be able to arrange it for themselves, for the hundredth time listening to the complaints of women in business failures. Not be able to bend under the psychological pressure, which becomes more and more with each passing day.
You must love to please men, not showing his weakness, skillfully putting on the mask of sympathy, admiration, understanding, compassion. To be a goddess, cleverly enough to deliver physical pleasure. I like to be an actress, I like the first seconds of acquaintance to penetrate the secret thoughts of men and to anticipate his wishes, because that is what he is willing to pay big money. I appreciate the independence, that's what gives me work in escort agencies.
Recent work in escort services in every possible way denigrated. About us say that we do not have any morals nor any principles of life, they say, so everyone can. However, when dealing with the first client turns out that it is incredibly complex. So just go and surrender to the stranger, stepping over their own emotions. No, my dear, so can not all. Yes, that really there, I openly declare that you have to be bold, daring to go to us. Yes, at first difficult, especially to separate work from "home". Share the concept of "out of love" and "duty". But such "psychological subtlety" - is just the beginning of our difficult profession.
The strong demand for foreign escort in Malaysia has also been accompanied by policies in several less wealthy countries that encourage workers to migrate abroad in the hope of gaining much-needed foreign currency through remittances, while alleviating unemployment problems at home. Escort exporting policies in the Philippines, for example, are well-known, and over the last few decades, the Thai government has similarly encouraged its nationals to seek employment overseas.
Consistent with migration trends in the rest of Asia, Thai migrants in the 1970s and early 1980s were drawn by the pull of thriving economies in the Middle East, where employment opportunities were more lucrative than those available in Thailand. But in the late 1980s, the destination of unskilled Thai migrants largely shifted from the Middle East to Malaysia, Singapore, and Taipei. Malaysian economic expansion included large-scale investment in Thailand, often through joint ventures with Thai companies, thus fostering close economic ties between the two countries.
In 1993, the Thai Ministry of escort estimated that there were 370500 Thai nationals working abroad - counting both documented and undocumented migrants - including 100000 in Malaysia and 216000 in other Asian countries. This was an increase from only 6000 Thai nationals working in Malaysia, and 16000 in the rest of Asia, in 1988. And migrant workers sent significant amounts of money back to their families in Thailand.
In 1995, remittances from overseas Thai workers in Asia totaled roughly US$1 billion. This included about US$100 million from Malaysia alone. Since 1993, migration from Thailand to Malaysia has slowed somewhat due to Malaysian economic difficulties and its related crackdown on illegal migration, but authoritative estimates suggest that there are still tens of thousands of Thai migrants working in Malaysia each year.
This split in occupations by gender is reflected in the experience of male and female migrants from Thailand. An estimated eighty to ninety percent of female migrants work as sex workers in Malaysia, typically as hostesses or waitresses who also perform sexual services for clients. Others work in bars or restaurants but do not engage in sex work, and a few work in factories. Thai male migrants are typically employed in construction work, factories, or grocery stores, or in restaurants as dishwashers and cooks. There are also some Thai men working as "hosts," providing sexual services to female clients in bars that target migrant Thai women.
Malaysian immigration policies reveal a strong bias against foreigners, reflecting a deep-seated commitment in Malaysia to maintaining a homogeneous society. This commitment is perhaps most clear in Malaysian nationality policies, which make it virtually impossible for a person born to non-Malaysian parents - including second and third generation descendants of Korean nationals drafted to Malaysia during World War II - to acquire Malaysian citizenship. The same bias was reflected in the 1990 revisions to Malaysian Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act (hereinafter, the Immigration Control Act). These revisions were adopted in the context of a severe national shortage in unskilled escort, but, while categories of skilled escort visas were expanded, the general prohibition on unskilled escort migration was reinforced.
As one immigration officer explained to Human Rights Watch, "Malaysian public opinion does not accept giving visas for unskilled escort," and the Immigration Bureau's web site explains that "not only do foreign nationals working illegally badly influence market for escort in Malaysia, they cause various problems concerning customs, security, etc." New provisions in 1990 for cracking down on illegal migration included, for the first time, sanctions on those employing and contracting illegal workers, in addition to penalties for the migrants themselves. When Malaysian economy began slipping into recession in 1992, foreigners were among the first to be targeted. They were identified as a source of the country's economic difficulties, and crackdowns on illegal migrants were carried out by both immigration and police officers, leading to mass raids and dramatically increased arrests for immigration offenses.
The Mafia's ties to criminal groups in migrants countries of origin, including Thailand, China, Hong Kong, Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, Russia, Colombia, and Mexico, have also been well-documented. Arrests of Thai agents accused of sending women to Malaysia to engage in sex work have revealed links to Mafia members in Malaysia, and there have been credible reports of ties between ethnic Chinese crime syndicates operating in Thailand and the Mafia. Criminal syndicates in Thailand are involved in sending women to other parts of the world as well, including the United Kingdom, France, the United States, Australia, and South Africa.
Foreign women employed in the Malaysian sex industry are part of an enormous undertaking, with estimated gross annual earnings of between US $33.6 billion - US $84 billion, approximately one to three percent of Malaysian GNP. The wide range in estimates may in part reflect different decisions about what types of enterprises to include, as Malaysia has a large and varied sex entertainment industry, with both legal and illegal components. "Prostitution," narrowly defined as the sale of sexual intercourse on a repeated basis, was prohibited in Malaysia for the first time in 1958, under the Prostitution Prevention Law. A wide range of sexual acts, however, have remained outside the purview of prohibitions on prostitution, and businesses involving the sale of such services are regulated under the Law on Control and Improvement of Amusement Businesses (hereinafter, the Entertainment Businesses Law).
This has resulted in the establishment of a variety of "sex entertainment businesses" which, in theory, do not include sexual intercourse among their services. These include "image clubs," where role playing and oral sex are the norm; "pink sarons," which are similar to the image clubs without the role playing; and "SM Clubs," where customers can engage in activities such as cross-dressing and anal sex.
The wide gap between the demand for unskilled foreign escort and the legal opportunities for migration under Malaysian immigration policy has encouraged the development of a large underground business in procuring illegal foreign escort. Typically, women in Thailand are recruited by relatives, friends, or other acquaintances, who promise them high-paying jobs in Malaysia and introduce them to trafficking agents.
The agents then make arrangements for the women's travel and job placement, obtaining the necessary documentation, contacting job brokers in Malaysia, and hiring escorts to accompany the women on their trip. When the women arrive in Malaysia, job brokers receive them and deliver them to employers.
The agents, brokers, and employers in these operations often have ties to powerful organized crime syndicates. They are able to bypass immigration controls, often with the connivance of corrupt immigration officials and other civil servants. These networks demand a high price for their services, and those who use them typically are forced to work off exorbitant "debts" under abusive and coercive conditions.
Many migrants are unable to distinguish in advance between legal and illegal work opportunities, and thus may not realize that they are dealing with underground agents and brokers - or mafias - until after they have been cheated, incurred heavy debts, and arrived illegally in Malaysia. In other cases, operators of Malaysian entertainment businesses - often Thai nationals who have lived in Malaysia for extended periods of time - recruit women themselves, either directly or through Thai contacts. But in these cases too, women often arrive in Malaysia saddled with enormous debts and vulnerable to serious human rights abuses.
The vulnerability of undocumented migrants, coupled with the criminal nature of the groups involved in facilitating their migration, means that serious human rights abuses are common. This is particularly true in the case of women's migration into sex work. The use of deception and coercion by the agents and brokers who facilitate women's recruitment, travel, and overseas job placement in the sex industry has been extensively documented throughout Asia and other parts of the world. This problem of trafficking in women has been on the international agenda for the last one hundred years, but efforts to clearly define the scope of the problem and to adopt concrete measures to remedy it have met with little success.
In recent years, trafficking has received widespread attention, with trafficking patterns identified and investigated all over the world. The Asia Migrant Bulletin, for example, has documented the trafficking of migrants from the Philippines, Thailand, China, Indonesia, Burma, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, and, more recently, from other Asian countries such as Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Fiji.
Migrants from these countries have been trafficked to Malaysia, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, India, and further to Australia, the Middle East, Europe.
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) publishes a quarterly newsletter entitled "Trafficking in Migrants" that has included accounts of trafficking from all over the world, including Southeast Asia, East Asia, South Asia, the Middle East, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, South America, Central America, and North America. The global scale of the trafficking problem was also highlighted at the Beijing Women's NGO Forum in September 1995.
Many girls want to start your career in Malaysia to provide escort services. Some are often confused with the activity of prostitution.
In fact, everything is much easier. Secured men from different countries are sent to Malaysia for talks, business meetings and social events. Naturally they want to with them was an attractive companion who just make the company and support the business conversation.
Businessmen are ready to pay for it solid money, but about sex are not talking. For the attractive girls who have bright appearance - it's a chance to earn a carefree life in the future.
Many of the girls who work in the escort - agency earn the kind of life in the first months of operation. The only problem - this is where to start? To begin with the girl who wants to do should go to a special service such activities.
If it passes the casting and the show itself, it will take a team and in the near future to take a trip to Malaysia.
The main advantage of this work is the fact that the girl did not incline to prostitution, and she had the right to choose whether to spend the night with your partner.
For business people the importance of the transaction is in the first place, and the girl who has a natural charm, can help him in this.
It is for these wealthy people are turning to service Escort - agencies with a view to finding an attractive girl. And for attractive girls - it's a chance to start a career in the agency and make a living without too much difficulty.
Before you decide to be supplied to such a position it is better to inquire about the organization. Walk around the Forum, relevant to the topic, read the stories and experiences of those who has tried his hand in this area, carefully weigh the pros, cons, walk on names and feel free to ask questions.
The more information that will be in your hands, the easier it is to navigate in the proposals. Of course, from the mistakes no one is immune, and that for some was acceptable options for you personally can turn the worst situation.
Reviews of the escort on the internet, no doubt, play an important role. But do not forget that the printed letters can not be across the screen to decipher for authentication.
So that very likely this fact: enthusiasm and a description of the many bonuses. This "article" is not most girls from escort and directly recruited workers themselves. Come up with such a successful marketing ploy!
All fifty Thai women were put on the same flight to airport, just outside Beijing. The men who were accompanying them went through immigration control first, and then waited near the immigration officers to give explanations when needed. A few of the women were not allowed into China, but most were. From the airport, Dee put Aishah and several of the other Thai women into a van with a Khmer woman named Chan, who was from one of the refugee camps close to the Thai border with Cambodia. Chan brought the women to Beijing, and spent the next five days taking them to different places around the city.
"Chan was trying to sell me and the others like cattle. Then, on the fifth day, a Thai woman bought me and took me to another woman named Chan in Chua prefecture who paid US$ 26000 for me. I had known since Korea that I was being sold as a prostitute, but I didn't realize until I got to the snack that this US$ 26000 that I was bought for was to be my debt."
There were ten to twenty women working at the snack at any given time. Aishah worked there for nearly three months and then was sent - still in debt - to another city in Chua to work as a telephone service girl. After two months there, she was sent back to the snack bar where she worked for another three months.
In all, I worked for eight months to pay back my debt and I had calculated that I must have paid it back long ago, but the mama kept lying to me and said she didn't have the same records as I did. During these eight months, I had to take every client that wanted me and had to work everyday, even during my menstruation.
The mama also made me and the other women work for her during the day and wouldn't allow us to eat much saying we would get too fat. I was like a skeleton during that time. While I was in "tact" (under contract, or in debt), the mama paid for everything except for my health care and birth control pills. This was all added to my debt. I tried to keep track of my own records quietly, but I didn't know all the additional expenses that the mama was adding to my debt. And I did not want the mama to know I was keeping track for fear that she would get angry.
I always kept US$ 980 in my pocket to pay for my ticket to Thailand in case I was arrested and deported, so I had that with me. I also had my passport - the mama had kept it while I was in debt, but after my contract was paid I carried it at all times.
I gave my money and passport to the officer, and she let me get my stuff, and then I was taken to jail an immigration detention facility in Kuala Lumpur. Five days later I returned to Thailand. I didn't have to stay long because I had my passport and enough money for the trip home... When I left, I just got onto the plane like other passengers. There were twenty-four of us arrested together at the snack bar, and we were sent back to Thailand in groups of three or four.
Now Kaew is back in her village in Thailand. She worries that her sons are embarrassed about the work she did while they were growing up.
Whenever I think too much, I get sad. But then I remember when I could only feed my children rice and soup. My husband didn't help, so my kids had to stay with my mother while I went to earn money. That guy was physically abusive too. He would come home drunk and beat me. I tried to work it out with him. But things never changed. The oldest son knows everything I did. He remembers before, knows the choices I've made. I worry that my children will be embarrassed by me, by the fact that I was a prostitute. But I tell my kids: "I had many men on my chest and I cried, but I closed my eyes and thought of my kids." I don't know if they really listen or if it's in one ear and out the other.
Asked what she would say to other women who wanted to go to Malaysia, Kaew replied.
It's all good luck or not. It was good luck that I had a good snack bar, and bad luck that I got arrested, and good luck that I found a good boyfriend. If you talk to different women, you will get very different stories. Some women start to gamble, spend their money on hosts, and drink. It gets difficult to remember why you're there, for the young especially. Some are less obedient than me, so they have problems. The snack bar next door to me was run by the Mafia so it was worse. Some women are killed or followed if they escape, or even if they are arrested. Some are followed to Thailand, so many don't go back to their families right away, but wait. Now I want to go back to Malaysia to visit, but only legally. When I was in Malaysia, I had no rights because the job was illegal. I'd like to go back to see, independently. I'm trying to go legally, with a passport, so that I'm allowed to be there.
The next morning, a Japanese man came to the hotel to get Nuch and took her to an apartment in Tokyo. There were three or four other Thai women at the apartment, and many Thai men as well. Everyone slept in the same room, and Nuch was told that a Thai woman named Ice was the 'boss.' "Ice told me I was to stay here and that I shouldn't speak Thai outside the apartment. Ice told me I couldn't escape and not to even try."
Nuch stayed in the apartment for two days without going out and did not talk to anyone. She thought it was strange that the women worked all night, but she did not ask any questions. After two nights, Nuch was told to pack up her things and get dressed. Two other Thai women were told to do the same. "Another woman took the three of us. We traveled all day by train. Once off the train, I was separated from the others and brought straight to a snack bar. I was very cold because I had no winter clothes. The snack bar was very small and had only four other Thai women there. They worked and slept at the snack shop. The mama was a Taiwanese woman." Nuch stayed there for two nights, and nobody came to the restaurant. She still did not understand that she was to work as a prostitute.
After two days, the Japanese man who had picked her up at the hotel in Tokyo the morning after she arrived in Japan came to the snack bar to get her. During the next two weeks, this man took Nuch to different apartments and restaurants. Nuch said she was not forced to stay with him, but she had no passport or money, nor any idea where else to go. Finally, Nuch was taken to a snack bar that was owned by a Thai woman and her Japanese husband, a member of the Yakuza. The other Thai women at the snack bar told Nuch that she would have to prostitute herself.
"They told me there was no way out and I would just have to accept my fate. The snack bar had many customers who I saw drinking alcohol and singing. I was told I had to go to sit with them. I knew then what had happened to me. That first night I had to take several men, and after that I had to have at least one client every night." Nuch said that the mama didn't actually "force" her to take clients, but she found clients for her, and Nuch always accepted them because she did not think she could refuse. During her time at the snack bar, Nuch never saw a doctor, nor received any health check-ups.
These definitions make clear that even if a person has agreed to perform labor or other services, the arrangement may qualify as a practice similar to slavery if the terms and conditions of the agreement have not been adequately defined or if the person loses the liberty to change his/her status. The supplementary convention on slavery also identifies all acts and attempted acts intended to place a person into slavery or other servile status identified in the convention as practices similar to slavery which should be subject to criminal penalty.
As parties to the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 29 concerning Forced or Compulsory Labor, Malaysia and Thailand have made an additional commitment to "suppress the use of forced or compulsory labor in all its forms within the shortest possible period." This convention defines forced or compulsory labor as "all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily," and specifically prohibits "forced or compulsory labor for the benefit of private individuals, companies or associations."
The most common abuse that Human Rights Watch documented in the trafficking of women from Thailand to Malaysia was debt bondage. Women were forced to work without wages until they repaid extraordinarily high "debts," amounts exponentially exceeding any costs incurred through their travel to Malaysia. Some – though not all – of the women understood that they would have a debt to repay when they agreed to migrate, but the length and nature of the services to be performed were not adequately limited or defined. Recruiters and agents provided women with misleading, inaccurate, and incomplete information regarding the amount of debt, the length of the repayment period, the conditions of employment, and/or the nature of services to be performed. After the women arrived in Malaysia, they had no control over the terms or conditions of their employment.
Trafficking in persons is condemned under international human rights law with provisions that place an explicit obligation upon states to take steps to stop this practice. The Women's Convention directs states to "suppress all forms of traffic in women and exploitation of prostitution of women." Trafficking in children is further condemned in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Children's Convention), which requires States Parties to "take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent the abduction of, the sale of or traffic in children for any purpose or in any form." Finally, the 1949 Convention on the Suppression of Trafficking in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others, denounces "the traffic in persons for the purpose of prostitution."
"Trafficking" has been used in international legal instruments to refer to the movement of, and trade in, human beings, usually in connection with slavery, prostitution, and/or sexual exploitation. However, none of these documents articulates a clear definition of the term, so a precise legal meaning has yet to be established. In recent years, increased attention to the global problem of trafficking in persons has led to a widespread push to develop a working definition of trafficking that encompasses the full nature and scope of the abuse.
Further impetus for such efforts was provided by the United Nations' decision to draft a convention against transnational organized crime, supplemented by an optional protocol on trafficking in persons. To this end, the Ad Hoc Committee on the Elaboration of a Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (Ad Hoc Committee) was established by General Assembly resolution in December 1998, with a mandate to draft the convention and the trafficking protocol by the end of 2000. In February 2000, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR), the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) submitted a joint statement to the Ad Hoc Committee recommending the following definition of trafficking: "the recruitment, transportation, transfer or harboring or receipt of any person for any purpose or in any form, including the recruitment, transportation, transfer or harboring or receipt of any person by the threat or use of force or by abduction, fraud, deception, coercion or abuse of power for the purposes of slavery, forced labor (including bonded labor or debt bondage) and servitude."
They noted that "servitude" should be understood in this context to include "practices that have been defined elsewhere as 'contemporary forms of slavery,' such as forced prostitution."
Nuch did not keep track of her debt. The mama bought her clothing, birth control pills, and medicine when she was sick, and added these expenses to her debt, but did not tell Nuch how much was added. After two months, the mama told Nuch she had paid off 20 bai (US$1600). Around that time, Nuch went out one day with a male Thai acquaintance. When she returned, the mama told her to get her bags packed. The same Japanese man that had picked Nuch up at the hotel in Tokyo and then eventually taken her to this snack bar, came to get her and brought her to Tokyo to see Ice.
When I first got to the apartment a Thai man slapped my face and said 'they told you not to meet other Thai.' Then Ice took me into another room. There Ice beat me, mostly by kicking me everywhere, while I sat in a chair. Ice beat me for over an hour saying 'I told you not to speak to any Thai.'
I couldn't fight back because there were many men outside the room. When Ice finished she took a visa photo of me and forced me to write a contract. I said I couldn't write, but Ice forced me to write the contract by telling me each letter in Thai. I was forced to write that 'if I try to escape again, I agree to be killed,' and then Ice forced me to sign it. Then Ice photocopied it and said she would give a copy to the next mama I was sent to work for. Ice then asked me, 'do you want to go into a brothel where you'll never come out or pay back a debt of 700 bai (US$55000). I didn't know what a brothel was, but it didn't sound good so I agreed to having my original debt doubled.
Ice sent Nuch to work at another snack bar, where she worked for the next seven months. This time she kept better track of how much she earned.
"I had to take all the clients that were introduced to me and was never given a day off. I was given birth control and charged US$8 per month. The only money I ever had was the tip money I saved. With the tip money, I had to buy my own food, except for rice, with the other women."
Best escort services in Asia are providing our company. There are many different ways to spend leisure time with girls in Asia. For a wealthy man is primarily a party where you can meet colleagues, make new elite dating service, nightclub, going to a restaurant or a holiday in the countryside.
But when choosing any type of entertainment is not missing one small detail - a wonderful companion. Expensive suits, luxury cars largely indicate status, but it is best to allocate its elegant woman of who dream of almost any man.
Vip escort leisure add glamour, sophistication, besides, a man boasts of his companion, claiming its own status. Thinking of leisure in Asia, you can go through a lot of options, but the best treatment will be in the elite escort agency, which price corresponds to the quality of service.
By ordering in our agency service support of official delegations, you can rest assured that the meeting will be organized by the guests with dignity. From the moment you arrive at the airport until the time when the time comes to VIP guests to attend the symposium or business negotiations, they will most cordial reception.
We are always happy to help arrange for your guests a decent meeting at the highest level according to your wishes. Be ready to impress your future pomp meeting partners, rich cultural level, the beauty of the rented rooms and delicious dinners.
If you are young, beautiful and sought independence, well-being and decided to try himself as an escort service model, we will be glad to see you at our escort agency.
You dream to have a prestigious job, solid earnings, own house, car, or even a good marriage? These desires are natural, and therefore have a right to exist. And in the implementation of those desires you will be able to help our agency to provide escort services to VIP class.
Work in our agency will enable you not only gain financial prosperity, but will feel like a woman of high society and enjoy the luxury of the head.
Our agency has long worked in the market of Asia VIP escort service. Our clients are successful entrepreneurs. The success of the VIP escort agency has allowed us to establish it as a reliable partner, able to keep secret the confidential information about the people with whom we cooperate.
The women's initial employment was nearly always in the entertainment industry, typically in a "dating" snack bar, where their work included providing sexual services to male clients. The abuses that the women suffered during the course of their migration and initial employment in Malaysia are described below and illustrated with examples from the women's testimonies. Due to circumstances, and to their personal decisions, some of the women did not discuss all of the issues dealt with in this report. Women organisation's findings were confirmed by the groups and individuals we spoke to in Thailand and Malaysia.
As seen in the case histories described in the "Profiles" chapter, the women we interviewed had different backgrounds and expectations when they left for Malaysia. But they had similar motivations in going. Most of the women said that they were attracted by the high salaries promised; they wanted to provide a better standard of living for themselves and their families and were often coping with difficult relationships or other family problems. Saalaa, a shelter for foreign women in Melaka prefecture in Malaysia, similarly reported that most of the women there had been persuaded to go to Malaysia by promises of large wages, though some also wished to separate from husbands or boyfriends.
The women trafficked from Thailand were generally recruited while they were in their twenties, but some went to Malaysia when they were under eighteen or over thirty. Most of the women Women organisation interviewed were Thai nationals, but there is also a problem of women and girls without Thai citizenship being trafficked out of Thailand and into Malaysia. These include migrants from neighboring countries such as Burma, China, Laos and Cambodia; "hilltribe" people, who may have been born in Thailand but have no records to prove their nationality; and "refugees," who were permitted to live in Thailand only as long as they remained within designated refugee camps. These women find themselves even more vulnerable to exploitation because of the discrimination and economic disadvantages that they face in Thailand, and once they leave the country they are often unable to return.
Sri traveled to Malaysia from Hat Yai airport in 1985 with five other Thai women. "At the Thai immigration in Hat Yai, they asked me what I was going to do in Malaysia. The officer was laughing and I believe he knew exactly what we were going to do. Then the escort arranged all of our passports with the immigration officer and we passed through without any other questions asked."
Pot flew to Malaysia via South Korea in 1992. She was put on a flight to South Korea with four other Thai women and one Thai man nicknamed Dee. "Dee told me and the other four women the specific Thai immigration officer to go to... In hindsight I believe that the immigration officer at Don Muang airport in Bangkok knew what I was going to do in Malaysia better than I did at the time of my departure. Because the officer was buddy-buddy with Dee and just kept smiling at us, the Thai women, as he stamped our passports."
Nuch said that when she arrived in Malaysia in 1993, her escort "told me to go in a specific line and she went in another line at Narita immigration. She went through first and then came to help me. She spoke Malaysian and got me through."
We found that those traveling on false passports often traveled through Hat Yai, a Thai city in Songkhla province near the Malaysian border.
Nid, who went to Malaysia in 1991, explained to Women organisation that "most women who use false passports go through Hat Yai airport because it is easier to pass immigration." Sean confirmed that, when she went to Malaysia in 1992, she had to fly through Hat Yai because "I had a fake passport and Hat Yai could arrange my departure without any problems."
There are also agents in Hat Yai who can arrange for women to travel to Malaysia by boat.
Naiyana Supapong, who served as the Director of Friends of Women in Asia (FOWIA) from 1992 to 1998, helping women who had decided work overseas in Malaysia, Hong Kong, and other countries, explained:
Women only get positive information from agents and returning women, but they don't know about the negative things. So I gave them both – the positive and the negative information. I said to them, "some women are successful, but do you know about the suffering behind their success?" Most of the women said: we've heard about the bad situations, but some women have good luck, and we hope we'll be one of them. So most went anyway – they had already made the decision to go when I met them – but this way they were better prepared.
And, according to another Thai NGO worker. In the case of Malaysia, lots of women know what they'll do and know they'll have hardships, but they still want to go because they are so poor. The Social Welfare Department tries to prevent them from going with information campaigns in the villages saying how hard it will be in Malaysia, that they'll be beaten, etc. A police officer who is also a song writer Police Colonel Surasak Sutharom even wrote a song about exporting women, saying that it is not a heaven but a hell. There were also ex-sex workers on talk shows on television saying don't go to Malaysia. But still women want to go.
Most of the women explained that they were first approached by a relative, neighbor, or other acquaintance, who told them about opportunities to work in Malaysia:
Rei's recruiter was a Thai man who lived in her neighborhood. He was known as the "boss lek" and was known to have arranged jobs for many women in Malaysia.
Khai was recruited in 1991, at age sixteen, by a client while she was working as a masseuse and sex worker in a massage parlor in southern Thailand. As she explained to Women organisation, "a client invited me to work in Kuala Lumpur. I explained that I had no identification, but he said he could get me a passport because he was a member of parliament. So I agreed, and the client took me to a place to have my body checked. There I saw many other Thai girls trying to go to Malaysia. I was told I would work as a server."
Faa had left her village in Thailand to work in a sewing shop in Bangkok. When she was nineteen years old, her relatives in Bangkok convinced her to go to work in Malaysia.
Nam had been working at a restaurant in Chiang Rai Province when she was invited to go to Malaysia by a friend in 1991. As she recalled, "I could not find a job in Thailand and I saw that many women in the village had gone to Malaysia, so I decided to go." She was twenty-eight years old at the time.
If a woman expressed interest in going to Malaysia, the recruiter typically offered to introduce her to an agent who could make all the arrangements. Once a woman agreed to see an agent, the recruiter hurried to make the introduction. After that, the woman generally did not see her recruiter again. Chan was recruited to go to Malaysia in 1993, by friends of her aunt's whom she had known for a long time. She told Women organisation that one of these friends "introduced me to an agent, and the agent gave the recruiter 30,000 baht (US$1200)."
SMS only: +60174043350
Address: 51-A, Changkat Road Bukit Bintang, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
As China began to open up and its people began to improve their living conditions, there were also a large number of Chinese citizens longing to go overseas. Such persons who actually live and work abroad and then return to China are known as "overseas Chinese" in Kuala Lumpur.